The New Migration Pact Conspiracy


For a very long time now, the European Union is devolving from what used to be an economic union between a small number of European nations into what can only be described as a political union that places non-European immigration at the forefront of its continent-wide policies which are most often anti-European in nature. Instrumentalising the migration crisis in 2015, Brussels was eventually forced to tackle the increased centralisation of asylum policy in Europe, and presented its plans for a Common European Asylum System as early as 2016. However, Brussels had been working towards this goal since 1999. Despite vehement resistance from some EU member states – primarily the Visegrad states (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) – the next stage is now to be initiated with the so-called New Migration Pact. In its public presentation, the EU Media-Establishment is making use of blatant politically-fraudulent labelling.



It can no longer be ignored that the Occident is threatened to lose its European character, and to give evidence, it is not necessary to look specifically at French banlieues, no-go zones in Gothenburg or Duisburg-Marxloh. However, anyone who thought that after the experiences of 2015 – when mass immigration to Europe increased in scale – governments had learned something, they are sorely mistaken. From the very beginning, Brussels was no less concerned than Chancellor Merkel in Berlin about allowing this invasion to take place, rather than fending off the migration flows. Brussels also attempted to force Eastern European member states – which did not want to be exposed to an invasion of migrants from African and Middle-Eastern countries – to accept quotas regarding the distribution of migrants. Of course, Brussels’ New Migration Pact fits into this smouldering debate.


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Extending Legal Channels for Migration


On Wednesday, 23rd September, the EU Commission presented the New Pact on Migration. Although the media of several Western and Northern European nations are often covering proposed policies of accelerating deportation procedures, Brussels’ new migration dictate does not reflect at all what it is trying to suggest in name to the people of Europe. Already at its presentation, Vice-President of the EU Commission Margaritis Schinas made clear that it is a matter of solidarity, and emphasised it is not a question of whether, but rather how solidarity will be provided. Even more unmasking was Schina's statement on the so-called Dublin Regulations, which are to be replaced by the New Migration Pact, because, according to Schinas, these were not designed for the migration challenges of today, but only for low levels of immigration. That alone should suffice to make it clear where the journey is set to go.


This New Migration Pact is essentially about creating legal channels for migration. To this end, the EU Commission also wants to facilitate family reunification by expanding the definition of what belongs to the family circle, including the founding of families that firstly arise in transit countries. In addition, a so-called immediate protection status is to be introduced, which will be justified, among other things, by "exceptional situations of armed conflict". None other than the EU Commission will determine such things by means of an implementation act, under which migratory groups will be covered by this protection status. The asylum procedures in the individual member states are to remain suspended for up to one year for these groups. So much for the acceleration of deportation procedures.


Legalisation of Human Trafficking


Not only did EU Home Affairs Commissioner Ylva Johansson, when presenting this new Pact, refer to new precautions against refusals at EU borders – without a case-by-case examination – but also suggested further solidarity mechanisms that shall be set up, with regards to sea rescue activities. A more appropriate, if informal, term would be NGO ferry services. This is said to be financed by voluntary contributions from EU member states, which, however, would become obligatory if the voluntary commitment proves insufficient. Privately operating rescue vessels – or NGO ferries – should be adequately equipped and integrated into a co-ordinated network involving all relevant actors. The declared aim is to ensure a quick disembarkment ashore at the nearest safe haven. The EU Commission's „guidance“ on the so-called "Facilitation Directive" demands explicity not to interpret the directive as criminalising "humanitarian acts" in the context of "sea rescue". That can be viewed as a legalisation of the human trafficking of migrants.


Quota Regulation Through the Back Door


Irrespective of the Visegrad states' opposition to a quota system for the distribution of migrants, the New Migration Pact stipulates that other member states should either accept asylum seekers from particularly burdened countries of arrival, or be liable for the costs of repatriation of people not entitled to asylum – as if the hitherto failure to expel people not entitled to stay would be more successful due to this complication. This is unlikely to be what was intended regardless. As far as Germany is concerned, for example, even before the COVID-19 outbreak in 2019, only 4,000 people were deported to countries outside of Europe. Significantly, the countries which are forced to accept such a return sponsorship under the New Migration Pact would have to resettle the migrants in question into their own respective countries if the complicated deportation process were to take longer than eight months – or, in a “crisis situation”, four months.



With regards to the integration of recognised migrants in the New Migration Pact, they are to be granted more rights than ever before. Long-term EU residence status is to be granted after three years instead of the current five years, which means that people will sooner be able to move freely around Europe to take up employment. The vehicle of the New Migration Pact will be used for the distribution of migrants across Europe without explicit quotas through the back door, which has not been implemented so far. The New Migration Pact also aims to expand the resettlement programs of member states in the coming years, with operational and financial support from the EU. Resettlement is the organised reception of migrants who allegedly can neither return to their home country nor remain in the country to which they have fled.


The EU to Remain the Primary Donor


The New Migration Pact plans to present a "Skills & Talent Package" in 2021, which will form part of expanded legal immigration into Europe. Of particular interest, however, is the planned revision of the so-called "Single Permit Directive", which, with regard to work and residency permits, covers individuals who do not fall into the category of "highly qualified". Relating to this directive, the EU Commission has already announced numerous legal changes. The EU itself even desires to offer its own platform for international recruitment, by which non-EU citizens can express their interest in immigration departments. A new Action Plan on Integration & Inclusion is to be presented by the end of 2020, which will also include financial support at the EU level to promote the inclusion of immigrants, as well as to network with other interest groups.


As part of the Multi-Annual Financial Framework – which explicitly and systematically takes migration into consideration – the EU Commission is to present a new instrument called "Neighborhood, Development & International Cooperation" (NDIC), which is intended to provide financial support for migrants and migration concerns outside of the EU. According to Brussels' proposal, this program is to be supported with almost 80 billion Euros. That is independent of the EU Trust Fund Africa, which was established at the end of 2019. Within the framework of the New Migration Pact, the EU Commission has confirmed that it intends to maintain its position as the world's leading donor of humanitarian and development aid. This new pact on migration has been presented in the mainstream media – in the short time that it was given media coverage – as a step towards the implementation of deportation processes that had been initially promised by the EU. However, it is evident that this was primarily to fool the European public into believing that their concerns were being addressed, when, in fact, such a pact will only further the process of mass immigration into Europe by the liberal and left-wing powers that be. It is essential to recognise that the negative consequences of migration for Europe do not disappear by legalising it in any way. What Europe actually needs is not an old, new or any other kind of migration pact, but rather a re-migration pact, because a mere halting of future migration is no longer sufficient to preserve Europe's character.


Sascha A. Roßmüller

About Sascha

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